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Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin (aka. Vlad The Destroyer) Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, Putin, Russia, Russian, Russians
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin
Is a Russian politician and former intelligence officer who is the president of Russia, a position he has filled since 2012, and previously from 2000 until 2008. He was also the prime minister from 1999 to 2000, and again from 2008 to 2012. Putin is the second-longest current serving European president after Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus. Putin was born in Leningrad (now Saint Petersburg) and studied law at Leningrad State University, graduating in 1975. He worked as a KGB foreign intelligence officer for 16 years, rising to the rank of lieutenant colonel, before resigning in 1991 to begin a political career in Saint Petersburg. He moved to Moscow in 1996 to join the administration of president Boris Yeltsin. He briefly served as director of the Federal Security Service (FSB) and secretary of the Security Council, before being appointed as prime minister in August 1999. After the resignation of Yeltsin, Putin became acting president, and less than four months later was elected outright to his first term as president and was reelected in 2004. As he was then constitutionally limited to two consecutive terms as president, Putin served as prime minister again from 2008 to 2012 under Dmitry Medvedev, and returned to the presidency in 2012 in an election marred by allegations of fraud and protests; he was reelected again in 2018. In April 2021, following a referendum, he signed into law constitutional amendments including one that would allow him to run for reelection twice more, potentially extending his presidency to 2036.
Putin studied law at Leningrad State University, where his tutor was Anatoly Sobchak, later one of the leading reform politicians of the perestroika period. Putin served 15 years as a foreign intelligence officer for the KGB (Committee for State Security), including six years in Dresden, East Germany. In 1990 he retired from active KGB service with the rank of lieutenant colonel and returned to Russia to become prorector of Leningrad State University with responsibility for the institution’s external relations. Soon afterward Putin became an adviser to Sobchak, the first democratically elected mayor of St. Petersburg. He quickly won Sobchak’s confidence and became known for his ability to get things done; by 1994 he had risen to the post of first deputy mayor.
The Russia Ukraine War (aka Russo-Ukrainian War, aka Putin's War) started on 24 February 2022 when Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Vlad the Destroyer (Putin) is destroying Ukraine the same way he did in Chechnya, Syria. Putin is bombing civilians, civilian infrastructure, homes, apartments, breadlines, hospitals and schools far more than he is bombing actual military targets. Putin does not care about human life; he only cares about winning at all costs and does not care how many civilians he kills to accomplish that goal. The Russian shit show in Ukraine has shown the failures of the Russian army. The failures of his army to advance in Ukraine are showing cracks in Russia’s military power and have destroyed the myths of the Russian soldiers. The war in Ukraine has shown Russia’s army to be incompetent and that may explain why they bomb the shit out pf everything, they cannot fight on the ground. Russia’s failed military strategy and botched logistics have also become known, which make you question what they can really do in a ground war against a foe that will fight back. Putin has destroyed countless cities around the world. We have seen what he has done in Syria, Chechnya, Grozny, Aleppo and other places he has attack it is to bomb the shit out of the civilians and now he is doing in Ukraine; make no mistake about Vladimir Putin he is Vlad the Destroyer. In addition, Vlad the Destroyer (The Mad Russia) is a war criminal.
Erin Snodgrass and Kelsey Vlamis

Russian President Vladimir Putin is facing increasing animosity both abroad and at home as his war in Ukraine approaches two full months. Experts cite strategy failures, mounting military losses, and the dire economic consequences of Western sanctions — all blamed almost entirely on Putin — as evidence painting a bleak picture of Russia's future. "It's suicidally bad what he's doing to his country, its economy, and its standing in the world," said Robert English, a professor at the University of Southern California who studies Russia, the Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe.
Hungary’s opposition spent years devising a plan to defeat Viktor Orbán. Then Russia invaded the country’s next-door neighbor.
By Emily Schultheis

BUDAPEST, Hungary — A week before Hungarians were set to go to the polls to elect a new parliament, Péter Márki-Zay stepped up to a podium in a park in Budapest flanked by banners and signs reading “Let Hungary Belong to All of Us!” and “The Power Belongs to the People!” That message of togetherness wasn’t just campaign rhetoric, it signaled a new strategy for Hungary’s long-suffering opposition parties. The mayor of a small city in southern Hungary, Márki-Zay’s goal is to succeed at something that more prominent politicians have failed at for 12 years: ousting incumbent Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, Europe’s best known “illiberal” leader.
By Nation World News Desk

It is hard to find any positives amid the atrocities unfolding in Ukraine. But here’s one: the myth of Vladimir Putin, the strong and cunning leader, has been irrevocably shattered. Finally, belatedly, the world sees him clearly. One of the more strikingly honest things I’ve read about the invasion in these past few days was from Sergei Dobrynin, one of the leading investigative reporters in Russia. “I thought Putin’s cunning was undeniable. And that is why, when US intelligence started saying that Putin would invade Ukraine, I didn’t believe it,” said Dobrynin, writing for US publication The Atlantic, “Despite all my reporting experience, everything I had seen, I thought it was nonsense. I was almost angry. I couldn’t see any logical reason, any advantage, any positive outcome of the invasion. It was painfully obvious that a war would be catastrophic.
By Rayhan Demytrie

He is one of more than 25,000 Russians to have arrived in Georgia since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Russians have been struggling to find affordable accommodation in all the major cities. Many can be seen wandering around the capital, Tbilisi, with their suitcases and often even their pets. A blue-and-yellow ribbon is attached to the lapel of Yevgeny's trench-coat - the colours of the Ukrainian flag. It was these ribbons that got him arrested at an anti-war protest in Russia, a day after it launched its war on Ukraine. "I understood the best way to act against Putin's regime would be my emigration from Russia," says the 23-year old politics graduate. "It's my responsibility to do anything I can to help the Ukrainians." The exodus does not stop at Georgia. The EU, US, UK and Canada have closed their airspace to Russian flights, so they are heading for countries where flights are still permitted and where visas are not required, such as Turkey, Central Asia and the South Caucasus. Many have fled to Armenia.
By John E. Herbst, Sergei Erofeev

Human capital is fleeing Russia. Since President Vladimir Putin’s ascent to the presidency, between 1.6 and 2 million Russians – out of a total population of 145 million – have left for Western democracies. This emigration sped up with Putin’s return as president in 2012, followed by a weakening economy and growing repressions. It soon began to look like a politically driven brain drain, causing increasing concern among Russian and international observers. In this pioneering study, the Council’s Eurasia Center offers a clear analysis of the Putin Exodus and its implications for Russia and the West. The study, which is authored by Ambassador John Herbst and Dr. Sergei Erofeev, examines the patterns and drivers of Russian emigration to the West since 2000 based on the findings from focused interviews and surveys with new Russian émigrés in four key cities in the United States and Europe.
By Robin Wright

In the eyes of the world and almost certainly history, Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine on Thursday was an epic miscalculation, drawing comparisons to Adolf Hitler and Saddam Hussein for cold-blooded aggression that could challenge the world order and change its borders. The Russian leader appeared almost delusional in a pre-dawn speech from the Kremlin announcing a “special military operation” to “protect” Donbas, the eastern region where Russian-backed separatists have waged a war for eight years. Putin, instead, immediately ordered Russian tanks into Ukraine and air strikes on the capital and more than a dozen cities in a country of forty million people. “Peace on our continent has been shattered,” the NATO secretary-general Jens Stoltenberg told reporters. “We now have war in Europe on a scale and of a type we thought belonged to history.” Putin’s “reckless” attack risks “countless innocent lives,” Stoltenberg warned.
By Gissou Nia and Jomana Qaddour

For decades, the idea of holding the Russian state accountable for atrocity crimes in a court of law was unthinkable. The country’s status as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, as well as its refusal to join the International Criminal Court (ICC), have allowed those Russians responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity—against Chechens, Georgians, and Syrians—to escape prosecution. Moscow has also benefited from a lack of political will from other states worried about disturbing the global world order. But that status quo of impunity has dramatically changed since Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine on February 24. In just the first two weeks of his murderous campaign, the UN Human Rights Council and the ICC announced they would open an inquiry and an official investigation, respectively, into alleged atrocities committed as his armies pounded civilian infrastructure and residences in cities like Kharkiv and Mariupol. But justice will remain incomplete if these inquiries don’t connect the dots with Putin’s crimes in Chechnya, Syria, and elsewhere. If he had been stopped after Grozny, would he have unleashed brutal force in Aleppo? And had the world collectively held Putin accountable for his military’s abuses in Syria, would he have felt emboldened enough to bomb Ukrainian cities?
The war in Ukraine is the making of one man: Russia's President Vladimir Putin. He is now in his third decade of ruling Russia, time often marked by cooperation with the West, but more often by antagonism and confrontation. Lisa Desjardins charts Putin's rise and reign. video...
Mark Felton Productions

Vladimir Putin has an interesting and controversial past, having served for 15 years as a spy in the infamous KGB. But how much to do you actually know of his activities as a field agent during the Cold War? video...
By Matt Peterson

Vladimir Putin probably won’t be able to win his war in Ukraine. The Ukrainians aren’t likely to win it, either. And, as the violence persists, the rest of the world will pay a high and rising price. The integration of global markets that enabled the West to punish the Russian economy in response to Putin’s aggression is leading to higher costs at home, chiefly through rising oil and gas prices, snarled supply lines, and scarcer goods. Consumers are just starting to feel the negative effects in the U.S. and Europe, and they..
Biden has called Putin a war criminal for the assault on Ukraine. What are the paths to justice? Some countries have their own laws for prosecuting war crimes. Germany is already investigating Vladimir Putin.
Associated Press

Joe Biden called Vladimir Putin a “war criminal” on Wednesday for the unfolding onslaught in Ukraine, where hospitals and maternity wards have been bombed. But declaring someone a war criminal is not as simple as just saying the words. There are set definitions and processes for determining who is a war criminal and how they should be punished. Here’s a look at how this all works:
Analysis by Zachary B. Wolf, CNN

(CNN) There is a loud and growing chorus of calls for the International Criminal Court to pursue Vladimir Putin. On March 2, the court said it would immediately proceed with an active investigation of possible war crimes following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The US Embassy in Kyiv said two days later that Russia committed a war crime by attacking a nuclear power plant in Ukraine. "It is a war crime to attack a nuclear power plant," the embassy said on its official Twitter feed. "Putin's shelling of Europe's largest nuclear plant takes his reign of terror one step further." Russia's suspected use of cluster bombs and so-called vacuum bombs in dense areas with many civilians has also been described as a war crime.
The Second Chechen War took place in Chechnya and the border regions of the North Caucasus between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, from August 1999 to April 2009. In August 1999, Islamist fighters from Chechnya infiltrated Russia's Dagestan region, declaring it an independent state and calling for holy war. During the initial campaign, Russian military and pro-Russian Chechen paramilitary forces faced Chechen separatists in open combat and seized the Chechen capital Grozny after a winter siege that lasted from December 1999 until February 2000. Russia established direct rule over Chechnya in May 2000 although Chechen militant resistance throughout the North Caucasus region continued to inflict heavy Russian casualties and challenge Russian political control over Chechnya for several years. Both sides carried out attacks against civilians. These attacks drew international condemnation.
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